#3587: Surviving the Hallway Shuffle: Building Design & Neighbor Awkwardness

Why narrow hallways and tiny elevators make neighborly small talk unavoidable — and what to do about it.

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This episode tackles a universal but rarely discussed problem: the awkward dance of apartment building social life. When you're rushing to grab a delivery or deep in a workday, stepping into the hallway to find a neighbor you genuinely like but don't have time for creates real tension. The question isn't just about social skills — it's about how the building itself scripts the interaction.

On the social side, sociologist Erving Goffman's concept of "civil inattention" provides a framework. The small rituals — a nod, a brief smile, polite disengagement — work well in open spaces but fail in constrained ones. The episode offers concrete techniques: preemptive warmth (investing in real conversations when you have time), involvement shields (holding a phone or package before the neighbor appears), and a three-move verbal exit (affirm the relationship, name the constraint, leave the door open).

The architectural angle reveals deeper problems. Israeli building codes from the 1970s-80s specified elevators barely 1m x 1.2m for four-floor buildings — technically meeting weight capacity but creating "confrontation chambers." Hallways at the fire-safety minimum of 1.1 meters force the sideways shuffle. Research shows residents in buildings with constrained circulation spaces have higher baseline stress. The economic incentive is perverse: developers maximize sellable square footage while residents bear the social cost forever.

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#3587: Surviving the Hallway Shuffle: Building Design & Neighbor Awkwardness

Corn
Daniel sent us this one — he's been thinking about the awkward dance of apartment building social life. You know, that moment when you're rushing to grab a delivery or deep in a workday, and you step into the hallway only to find yourself face-to-face with a neighbor you genuinely like but don't have time for right now. The prompt asks how to handle these little brushes without alienating people, and whether building design itself might be making things worse. Narrow staircases, tiny elevators — Daniel's wondering if architecture is partly to blame for social pressure. He wants us to look at this from both the social side and the architectural side.
Herman
I love this question because it's one of those things nobody talks about but everybody experiences. And the architectural angle is under-discussed. Most people treat neighbor awkwardness as a pure personality problem — you're bad at small talk, you're antisocial — when actually the physical space is scripting the interaction before you even open your mouth.
Corn
Scripting is the right word. A wide lobby with multiple exit paths gives you options. A narrow staircase where two people have to turn sideways to pass each other — that's not a space, that's a confrontation chamber.
Herman
I'm writing that down.
Corn
Let's start with the social layer, because that's what people feel first. The tension Daniel's describing — wanting to be warm but also wanting to be left alone in that moment — that's not antisocial behavior. That's just having a life.
Herman
And there's a useful framework here from sociologist Erving Goffman. He wrote about what he called civil inattention — the little rituals we do to acknowledge someone's presence without demanding interaction. A nod, a brief smile, eye contact that says I see you and then politely disengages. It's a skill, and different cultures calibrate it differently.
Corn
So you're saying there's an academic term for the half-smile I've been deploying in our building for years.
Herman
And the problem Daniel's describing is what happens when the physical space makes civil inattention impossible. If you're in an elevator barely larger than a phone booth, you can't do the polite disengage. You're inches from someone's face. The space is demanding intimacy whether you want it or not.
Corn
Which brings us to the elevator. Daniel mentions theirs can't fit four people comfortably. That's not unusual in Israeli residential buildings. I've been in elevators here where three people means someone's elbow is in someone else's ribcage.
Herman
There's an Israeli building standard from the 1970s and 80s that specified elevators at roughly one meter by one point two meters for residential buildings up to four floors. That's technically a four-person car by weight capacity but the actual footprint assumes everyone is standing perfectly still with their arms at their sides like sardines.
Corn
Sardines with briefcases.
Herman
Nobody's a sardine with a briefcase at 8 AM on a Tuesday. So you get this compression of personal space that triggers a low-grade stress response before anyone even speaks. Your amygdala is going, we are too close to another human, and your prefrontal cortex is going, but we like this human, and the whole thing becomes cognitively exhausting.
Corn
The elevator isn't just transporting people. It's manufacturing social obligation.
Herman
And the narrower the space, the stronger the obligation. There was a fascinating study out of the University of Chicago — researchers looked at elevator behavior across a dozen residential buildings and found that the threshold for mandatory conversation was about 1.5 square meters of floor space. Below that, people felt they had to talk. Above it, the nod-and-ignore was socially acceptable. Daniel's elevator is almost certainly below that threshold.
Corn
What's he supposed to do, install a wider elevator?
Herman
That's part of the architectural conversation we'll get to. But on the social side, I think there are concrete techniques that work. And this isn't about avoiding your neighbors. It's about managing the bandwidth of interaction so you can be warm when you do have time.
Corn
Let's hear them. What's the playbook?
Herman
First one is what I'd call preemptive warmth. When you do have a moment — maybe on a Friday afternoon when things are slow — you invest a few minutes in a real conversation. Ask about their kids, their garden, whatever. You're building a reservoir of goodwill. Then when you're rushing past them on a Wednesday with a quick "so sorry, on a deadline, good to see you," they don't read it as rejection. They read it as the exception to an otherwise friendly pattern.
Corn
I like that. What's the second one?
Herman
The physical signal. When you need to signal unavailability, you change your body's momentum before the verbal interaction starts. You keep walking, you angle your shoulders slightly away, you hold something visible in your hands — a phone, a package, keys. These are what Goffman would call involvement shields. They communicate busy before you say a word.
Corn
The art of looking pre-occupied without looking like you're pretending to be pre-occupied.
Herman
Which is harder than it sounds. If you pull out your phone the moment you see them, that reads as avoidance. The key is that the involvement shield has to be already in place before they come into view. You're not reacting to them. You're just a person who happens to be carrying a package.
Corn
It's method acting. You're playing a character called Person Carrying a Package.
Herman
The character's motivation is that they have somewhere to be. It's a very grounded role.
Corn
What about verbal technique? Because I've heard people try to do this and it comes out wrong. They say "sorry I can't talk" and it lands as "I don't want to talk to you specifically.
Herman
The magic phrase is something like "I'd love to catch up but I'm in the middle of something — let's talk properly soon." The structure is: affirm the relationship, name the constraint, leave the door open. It's three moves in about four seconds.
Corn
Affirm, constrain, invite. That's almost a haiku.
Herman
A haiku of neighborly boundary-setting. And the key is you actually do have to follow up at some point. If you say "let's talk properly soon" seventeen times and never do, they notice. The technique only works if it's honest.
Corn
We've got preemptive warmth, involvement shields, the three-move verbal exit. What about the person who doesn't pick up on any of these signals? Because every building has at least one.
Herman
Every building has at least one. And this is where the architectural dimension becomes really important, because the building itself can either amplify or dampen that person's effect on your life. If you have a wide hallway with good sightlines, you can see them coming and choose your route. If you have a narrow staircase with one choke point, you're trapped.
Corn
Let's pivot to architecture then. What makes a building socially functional versus socially oppressive? Not at the scale of utopian housing projects — at the scale of a normal apartment building in Jerusalem.
Herman
There are a few design elements that researchers keep coming back to. The first is what's called prospect and refuge — a concept from environmental psychology. Prospect is your ability to see what's ahead. Refuge is your sense of having a protected position. Good social spaces give you both. You can see who's coming, and you don't feel exposed while you're deciding whether to engage.
Corn
A narrow staircase gives you neither. Zero prospect, zero refuge. You can't see around the corner, and the moment you do see someone, you're already in their personal space. There's no decision point. The interaction just happens to you.
Herman
It's the architectural equivalent of being ambushed by politeness. And the stress of that accumulates. There was a study in the Journal of Environmental Psychology that tracked cortisol levels in residents of different building types. People in buildings with what they called constrained circulation spaces — narrow hallways, tight stairwells, small elevator lobbies — showed measurably higher baseline stress than people in buildings with wider, more open common areas. Not because they hated their neighbors. Because the space was constantly forcing unplanned social encounters.
Corn
Constrained circulation spaces. That's Daniel's building in two words.
Herman
And here's the thing — this isn't just an Israeli problem, but Israel has some specific factors that make it worse. A lot of residential buildings from the 1960s through the 1990s were built quickly to absorb population growth. The standard was functional minimalism. You got the legally required hallway width and not a centimeter more.
Corn
The concrete block of Israeli architectural philosophy.
Herman
Israeli building codes specify minimum hallway widths for fire safety — typically around 1.1 meters for residential corridors. But the code doesn't care about social comfort. It cares about whether a firefighter in gear can get through. So builders hit that 1.1 meter minimum and stop. The result is a hallway that's legally sufficient and socially miserable.
Corn
That's roughly the width of a refrigerator. Two people passing means one person has to stop and flatten against the wall.
Herman
Or do the sideways shuffle. Which is already a social interaction whether you wanted one or not. You're now physically negotiating space with another human being. The conversation has begun before either of you has said a word.
Corn
What's the alternative? If you're building new construction today, what should the hallway width actually be?
Herman
The research suggests about 1.8 meters is the sweet spot for residential corridors. At that width, two people can pass comfortably with room to spare. Someone can stop to check their mail without blocking the flow. You can make eye contact from a distance and decide whether to engage. It gives you agency.
Corn
8 meters versus 1.That's more than 60 percent wider.
Herman
It costs more per floor, which is exactly why developers don't do it unless they have to. Every extra centimeter of hallway is square footage that isn't being sold as apartment space. In a 10-story building, widening the corridors from 1.1 to 1.8 meters could mean losing an entire apartment's worth of sellable area over the height of the building.
Corn
The economic incentive is to make hallways as narrow as legally possible, and the social cost of that decision is borne entirely by the residents, forever.
Herman
That's the externality. The developer saves on construction costs and maximizes saleable area, and the people who live there spend decades doing the sideways shuffle.
Corn
This is the kind of thing that makes me want to become a building code activist.
Herman
There's a whole movement around what's called social sustainability in residential design. The argument is that building codes should account for quality of life, not just physical safety. Minimum hallway widths for social function. Requirements for natural light in common areas. Limits on the number of units per floor to reduce crowding.
Corn
Has any of that actually made it into law anywhere?
Herman
Some Scandinavian countries have guidelines for social space in residential buildings — not hard codes, but recommendations that developers ignore at their own risk because buyers have come to expect it. Vienna has been doing interesting things with social housing design for decades, including wide corridors that function as informal community spaces rather than just transportation tubes.
Corn
Also an accurate description of Daniel's hallway.
Herman
That's the distinction. Is your hallway a place, or is it just a tube? A tube says keep moving, don't linger, get to your destination. A place says you can pause here, you can have a conversation if you want one, or you can nod and keep walking and neither choice feels wrong.
Corn
What about the elevator specifically? Because Daniel mentioned that as a pain point.
Herman
Elevator size is another place where the minimums drive the experience. The standard small residential elevator in Israel is what's called a Type 1 car — roughly 1.1 meters by 1.4 meters internally. That's designed for a wheelchair user plus one standing passenger. But in practice, buildings put these in and then expect them to serve 20 or 30 units.
Corn
You've got a device designed for two people serving a building of maybe 60 people, all trying to leave for work at roughly the same time.
Herman
The math is brutal. If each trip takes about 45 seconds and you've got 20 people waiting during the morning rush, that's potentially a 7 to 8 minute wait for some residents. And during that wait, you're standing in a small lobby with your neighbors, having conversations you may or may not want to have.
Corn
The elevator becomes a bottleneck for social interaction as much as for physical movement.
Herman
There's a concept in architecture called the friction surface — the set of places where residents are most likely to encounter each other. Elevators, mailboxes, trash rooms, parking areas. Good design distributes these friction surfaces so they don't all concentrate in one choke point. Bad design funnels everyone through the same narrow channel. Daniel's building sounds like it has one friction surface and it's the size of a closet.
Corn
That's where the social and architectural dimensions really merge. You can have all the social techniques in the world — the preemptive warmth, the involvement shields, the graceful exit lines — but if the building is constantly forcing you into intimate proximity with your neighbors, you're fighting the architecture. And the architecture usually wins.
Corn
Let's talk about what you can actually do if you live in one of these buildings. Because Daniel's not going to knock down walls. He's not going to widen the elevator shaft. What's realistic?
Herman
Some of it is about using the building differently. If the elevator is a social pressure cooker, take the stairs sometimes — not to avoid people, but to give yourself a choice. Stairwells in these buildings are usually even narrower than the hallways, but they're used less frequently, so the odds of an encounter are lower. You're trading space pressure for frequency pressure.
Corn
You get exercise, which is the most annoying silver lining anyone ever offers.
Herman
I hate that I said it. But it's true.
Herman
This sounds absurdly simple, but most people in a building settle into routines. If you pay attention for a week, you'll learn that the neighbor who wants to talk for 20 minutes always leaves at 8:15, or that the elevator is quietest between 10 and 11 AM. You're not avoiding people permanently. You're just choosing when you have the bandwidth to be social.
Corn
You're mapping the social traffic patterns of your building like it's a transportation network. And it's not antisocial — it's the opposite. You're making sure that when you do interact with your neighbors, you're present and generous rather than distracted and resentful.
Herman
I like that term. It's the difference between interactions that happen to you and interactions you choose. And the goal isn't fewer interactions — it's better ones.
Corn
What about physical modifications that are actually feasible for a resident? Not structural changes, but things you can do without permits.
Herman
One interesting approach is what some buildings do with their elevator lobbies on each floor. If there's even a small landing area, adding a plant or a small bench can change the psychology of the space. It becomes less of a tube and more of a place, which paradoxically reduces the pressure to interact. When a space feels intentional, people are more comfortable with silence in it.
Corn
Because the plant is doing some of the social work. The plant as social buffer.
Herman
Some buildings take this further with what's called a social notice board — not the formal kind with strata committee minutes, but an informal one where people post things they're giving away, or recommend a plumber, or announce a building potluck. It creates a low-bandwidth channel for community that doesn't require face-to-face interaction.
Corn
You can be a good neighbor asynchronously. That's the dream for a lot of people. You want to be part of the community, you want to be helpful, you want to be known as friendly — but you want to do it on your own schedule.
Herman
That's not a contradiction. That's just being a person with a life. The problem is when the building design forces synchronous neighboring as the only option. Every interaction has to happen right now, in this cramped space, whether you're ready for it or not.
Corn
Let's zoom out for a second. Daniel said something interesting in the prompt — he actually likes living in a shared building. He likes knowing there are other people around. But he doesn't love the forced small talk. So he's not rejecting community. He's rejecting the performative version of it.
Herman
That's a really important distinction. There's a difference between community and compulsory socializing. Community is knowing your neighbor will feed your cat if you're away. Compulsory socializing is having to discuss the weather every time you check your mailbox. One builds real connection, the other just builds exhaustion.
Corn
The research on this is pretty clear. What people actually want from their neighbors is what sociologists call neighboring — small acts of mutual aid and recognition. Borrowing a cup of sugar, keeping an eye on each other's packages, waving from the window. Not deep friendships necessarily. Just a sense that you're part of a loose network of people who look out for each other.
Herman
Jane Jacobs wrote about this in The Death and Life of Great American Cities — the idea of eyes on the street, the casual surveillance that makes public spaces safe. It applies vertically too. A building where people know each other's faces is a safer building. But you don't need to know each other's life stories. You just need to know that the person in apartment 4B belongs there and the person trying to jimmy the lock doesn't.
Corn
How do you build that lighter version of community in a building that's architecturally working against you?
Herman
One thing that works surprisingly well is what I'd call the threshold ritual. When you move in, you introduce yourself once, briefly, to the immediate neighbors on your floor. You bring something small — doesn't have to be homemade, a box of dates works fine — and you say some version of "hi, I'm in 4A, here's my phone number in case you ever need anything, I'm usually working during the day so don't worry if I seem rushed in the hallway." You've now set expectations.
Corn
You've front-loaded the social obligation so you don't have to keep paying it in installments. And you've given them permission to not chat with you.
Herman
What if you didn't do that when you moved in and now it's been three years and it feels weird to suddenly announce yourself? The same ritual works retroactively. "We've been neighbors for years and I realized I never actually gave you my number — here it is, in case of emergencies or packages or whatever." It's slightly awkward for about eight seconds and then it's done and you've reset the terms.
Corn
Eight seconds of awkwardness for years of reduced friction. That's a good trade.
Corn
Let's go back to architecture for a minute. If you were designing a residential building from scratch with social comfort as a priority — not the only priority, but a real one — what would you do differently?
Herman
First thing is the entry sequence. Most apartment buildings put you straight from the street into a small lobby and then into an elevator. There's no decompression zone. A better design has a slightly larger entry — not a hotel lobby, just a space where you can pause, check your mail, and transition from public to private. That transition matters psychologically.
Corn
Like an airlock for social pressure.
Herman
You're moving from the chaos of the street to the privacy of your home, and the building should support that transition rather than jamming you straight into a small box with three other people. Also, wider corridors, as we talked about. But also better lighting. A lot of the social discomfort comes from the fact that common areas are lit like utility spaces — harsh fluorescent, no warmth. Good lighting makes people feel safer and more relaxed, which makes brief encounters feel less charged.
Corn
The lighting isn't just functional. It's setting an emotional tone. The hallway as infrastructure versus the hallway as extension of home.
Herman
Most Israeli buildings treat hallways purely as infrastructure. They're the pipes that connect apartments. Nobody cares what the pipes look like.
Corn
Which is strange when you think about it, because residents spend actual time in these spaces. Waiting for elevators, checking mail, walking to and from their door multiple times a day. It's not dead space. It's lived space.
Herman
There's an architect named Jan Gehl who's done a lot of work on this — he talks about the space between buildings as the most important space in any residential development. It's where community either happens or doesn't. And he argues that every design decision either invites or repels human connection.
Corn
Invites or repels. So a narrow hallway isn't neutral — it's actively repelling the kind of connection people actually want while forcing the kind they don't.
Herman
That's the paradox. The cramped space creates mandatory proximity, which sounds like it should build community, but in practice it often does the opposite. People develop avoidance strategies. They listen at their door before opening it. They check the peephole. They wait for the elevator to come back down empty rather than sharing it. The design that was supposed to be efficient ends up making people less neighborly, not more.
Corn
Because they're spending all their social energy on managing unwanted interactions instead of investing in the ones they'd actually choose.
Corn
What does a well-designed building do differently for the elevator specifically?
Herman
Ideally, you want an elevator that's sized for the number of units it serves. For a building with more than about 15 units, you really want something larger than that Type 1 car — at minimum a Type 2, which is about 1.4 by 1.That gives you enough room for four people to stand without touching, which is the threshold where civil inattention becomes possible again. And for a bigger building, you might want two elevators. The wait time is as important as the car size. If people are waiting 30 seconds, they barely register it. If they're waiting 3 minutes, they start having conversations they didn't plan to have.
Corn
You're engineering the frequency of forced interactions.
Herman
You're acknowledging that frequency matters. It's not that any single elevator conversation is bad. It's that when they happen four times a day every day, the cumulative effect is draining. Good design spaces them out.
Corn
This makes me think about something Daniel mentioned — private entrances. He said they're not viable or the best solution. And I think he's right, but not for the reason most people think.
Herman
What's your read?
Corn
Private entrances solve the friction problem by eliminating all friction. You go from your car to your door without seeing anyone. And sure, that's peaceful, but it also eliminates the possibility of community entirely. It's like solving traffic by making everyone stay home. Technically effective, but you've lost something.
Herman
The suburban solution. Maximum privacy, minimum friction, and then everyone wonders why they feel isolated.
Corn
The goal isn't zero interaction. It's the right kind of interaction at the right frequency. Daniel doesn't want to never see his neighbors. He just wants to not have a 10-minute conversation about water pressure every time he checks the mail.
Herman
That's a design problem, not a personality problem. A well-designed building gives you both — the opportunity for connection and the ability to opt out gracefully.
Corn
Let's talk about what happens when you can't change the building and you can't change your neighbors. You're stuck with the narrow hallway and the tiny elevator and the chatty neighbor on floor three. What's the inner game here? Because a lot of this is psychological.
Herman
This is where it gets interesting. There's a concept in psychology called the liking gap — the systematic tendency to underestimate how much other people like us after a social interaction. Researchers have found that after brief conversations, both parties typically report liking the other person more than they think the other person liked them.
Corn
I'm worried that my rushed exit made my neighbor think I'm rude, but actually they probably didn't think about it much at all, and if they did, they assumed I was just busy.
Herman
That's exactly what the data suggests. We overestimate how much other people are scrutinizing our behavior. It's a variation of the spotlight effect — the feeling that everyone is paying attention to us when actually they're mostly thinking about themselves.
Corn
Which means the awkwardness I'm feeling is probably mostly in my own head.
Herman
Not entirely — some neighbors really do take it personally — but much more than we think. And knowing that can actually reduce the stress. If you internalize "they're probably not thinking about me nearly as much as I think they are," a lot of the pressure evaporates. It makes you a better neighbor, because you're not walking around in a state of low-grade social anxiety.
Corn
What about the neighbor who actually does take it personally? The one who's keeping score?
Herman
Every building has one. And honestly, with that person, no amount of social technique is going to fully solve the problem, because the problem is their expectations, not your behavior. At a certain point, you have to accept that you can't manage everyone's feelings, and that being a good neighbor doesn't mean being available for conversation 24 hours a day.
Corn
That's a boundary, not a failure.
Herman
And setting boundaries is part of being a functional adult. The neighbor who can't accept a friendly but brief interaction is asking for something that's beyond the normal scope of neighboring.
Corn
We've covered the social techniques, the architectural factors, the psychology. What's the one thing you'd want someone in Daniel's position to take away from all this?
Herman
I think it's that the discomfort he's feeling isn't a personal failing. It's a rational response to a built environment that wasn't designed for human comfort. And once you see that, you can stop blaming yourself and start working with what you've got — using timing, using body language, using those small verbal scripts, and maybe most importantly, giving yourself permission to not be the perfect neighbor every single time.
Corn
The perfect neighbor is a myth that narrow hallways invented.
Herman
That should be on a poster somewhere.
Corn
I also think there's something to be said for just acknowledging the awkwardness directly. Sometimes the most disarming thing you can say to a neighbor is "I always feel bad when I'm rushing past you in this tiny hallway — please know it's never personal." You've named the elephant. Now it's just a fact about the building, not a judgment about the person.
Herman
Naming the dynamic defuses it. And you've also implicitly invited them to do the same thing to you. You've given them permission to rush past you next time without guilt.
Corn
The SALT treaty of apartment building diplomacy.
Herman
I want to circle back to something we touched on earlier — the idea that Israeli building culture has some specific features that make this worse. Because I don't think this is universal.
Herman
Israel is a high-contact society. People stand closer, talk louder, and have fewer inhibitions about initiating conversation with strangers. That's not a criticism — it's part of what makes the culture warm and direct. But it means that when you combine Israeli social norms with constrained physical spaces, you get an amplification effect.
Corn
The volume knob is already at 8 and the narrow hallway cranks it to 11.
Herman
For someone like Daniel, who's originally from Ireland — a culture with very different norms around personal space and small talk — the gap between expectation and reality is even wider. He's navigating Israeli social warmth in Israeli physical constraints with Irish social instincts. That's a lot to reconcile.
Corn
It's like running three different operating systems at the same time. Of course there's friction.
Herman
I think that's actually part of why the prompt is so interesting. He's not complaining about his neighbors. He's not rejecting community. He's trying to figure out how to be a good neighbor on terms that work for him, in a building that wasn't designed to give him any options.
Corn
That's the whole thing in a sentence. The building wasn't designed to give him options.
Herman
Good design, at its core, is about giving people options. The option to engage or not engage. The option to be seen or to be private. The option to move through a space at your own pace. When a building takes those options away, it's not neutral — it's coercive. And people feel that coercion even if they can't name it.
Corn
The frustration Daniel's describing isn't just about small talk. It's about autonomy. The building is making decisions about his social life that he'd rather make himself.
Herman
And that's why private entrances feel like the wrong solution to him. He doesn't want to secede from the community. He wants to participate in it on his own terms.
Corn
Which is a very reasonable thing to want.
Herman
It's the most reasonable thing. And the fact that our built environment makes it so difficult is something we should be talking about more.
Corn
We're talking about it now. And hopefully anyone listening who's been feeling that same low-grade hallway dread will realize they're not alone and they're not antisocial. They're just living in a building that never gave them a choice.

And now: Hilbert's daily fun fact.

Hilbert: In 1898, a Russian linguist named Bogoraz claimed to have recorded the songs of Lake Baikal's ice using an Edison phonograph — wax cylinders he said captured the lake's "voice." For decades, this was cited as the first field recording of natural ice acoustics. In 1973, spectral analysis revealed the cylinders contained nothing but the sound of Bogoraz humming to himself in a small room.
Corn
Man faked the voice of a lake and got away with it for 75 years.
Herman
That's commitment to a bit.
Corn
Here's the thing I'm left with. We've talked about hallway widths and elevator psychology and the three-move verbal exit. But the bigger question is whether any of this will change. Are developers going to start building wider corridors because it's the right thing to do?
Herman
Not unless the incentives change. And incentives change either through regulation — updating building codes to include social function, not just physical safety — or through market pressure. If buyers start demanding better common spaces and are willing to pay for them, developers will respond.
Corn
Most buyers don't think about hallway width when they're looking at an apartment. They think about kitchen counters and bedroom sizes.
Herman
That's the awareness gap. People know they feel uncomfortable in certain buildings, but they don't connect that feeling to the width of the corridor or the size of the elevator. They blame themselves or their neighbors. Part of what we're doing here is just naming the thing so people can see it.
Corn
Naming the thing so people can see it. That's not a bad mission statement for this whole show, actually.
Herman
It really isn't.
Corn
This has been My Weird Prompts. Thanks to our producer Hilbert Flumingtop. If you enjoyed this episode, share it with someone who's ever done the sideways shuffle in a narrow hallway — which is to say, basically everyone. Find us at myweirdprompts.com or wherever you get your podcasts.
Herman
Until next time.

This episode was generated with AI assistance. Hosts Herman and Corn are AI personalities.